Peshmerga
پێشمەرگه
Flag of Kurdistan Region
Motto	Ey Reqîb[1]
Founded	1920s/1946
Current form	2003–present
Headquarters	Erbil, Kurdistan Region, Iraq
Website	gov.krd/mopa
Leadership
President of Kurdistan Region	Nechirvan Barzani
Minister of Peshmerga Affairs	Shoresh Ismail Abdulla
Personnel
Military age	21–41
Conscription	None
Active personnel	138,000 (planned end strength by 2026; current estimates 150,000–200,000)[2][3]
Industry
Domestic suppliers	AAC Inkas[4] Republic of Iraq (sometimes)[5]
Foreign suppliers	Current: Albania[6] Australia[7] Austria[8] Belgium[9] Bulgaria[10] Canada[6] Croatia[6] Cyprus[11] Czech Republic[12] Denmark[13] Estonia[14] Finland[15] France[6] Germany[6] Greece[16] Hungary[14] India[17] Iran[18] Israel[18] Italy[6] Netherlands[19] New Zealand[20][21] Norway[19] Romania[22] Russia[23] Slovakia[20] Slovenia[24] Sweden[25] United Kingdom[6] United States (continued via CTEF)[2][26] Former: Czechoslovakia[27] Soviet Union[27]
Related articles
History	19th century - 21st century Before 2003: Mehmûd Berzencî revolts Ehmed Barzanî revolt 1943 Barzanî revolt First Iraqi–Kurdish War Second Iraqi–Kurdish War PUK insurgency Iran–Iraq War 1983–1986 Kurdish rebellions Kurdistan Region–PKK conflict Anfal campaign Gulf War 1991 Iraqi uprisings Battle of Sulaymaniyah Kurdish Civil War Islamist insurgency in Kurdistan After 2003: 2003 invasion of Iraq Operation Viking Hammer First Iraq War Iraqi insurgency (2003–2011) Iraqi civil war (2006–2008) Iraqi insurgency (2011–2013) War in Iraq (2013–2017) US intervention in the Syrian civil war 2017 Iraqi–Kurdish conflict Islamic State insurgency in Iraq (2017–present) Operation Inherent Resolve[2] Kurdistan Region–PKK conflict Attacks on US bases during the Gaza war
Ranks	Military ranks of the Peshmerga

The Peshmerga (Kurdish: پێشمەرگه, romanized: Pêşmerge, lit. ''Those Who Face Death'')^[28] are the internal security forces of Kurdistan Region. According to the Constitution of Iraq, regional governments are responsible for "the establishment and organization of the internal security forces for the region such as police, security forces, and guards of the region".^[29] Other Kurdish security agencies include the Zêrevanî (gendarmerie), Asayish (security and counterterrorism service), and the Parastin u Zanyarî (intelligence agency). The Peshmerga's history dates back to the 18th century, when they began as a tribal paramilitary border guard under the Ottoman Turks and the Safavid Kurds. By the 19th century, they had evolved into a disciplined and well-trained guerrilla force.^[30]

Formally, the Peshmerga are under the command of the Ministry of Peshmerga Affairs (MoPA) of the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG). In practice, however, the Peshmerga's structure is largely divided and controlled separately by the two Iraqi Kurdish political parties: the Democratic Party of Kurdistan (KDP) and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK). Unifying and integrating the Peshmerga under the MoPA has been on the Kurdistan Region's public agenda since 1992, with significant progress under a 2022 U.S.-KRG Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) aiming for full unification by 2026, though challenges like partisanship and external threats persist.^[31][2][32]

Besides being the official name for the KRG's internal security forces, historically the word Peshmerga has also been used for a variety of Kurdish militas and armed groups. A few examples are the Peshmerga of the KDPI, PAK and Komala.^[33]

The word "Peshmerga" can be translated to "to stand in front of death",^[34][35][36] and Valentine states it was first used by Qazi Muhammad in the short-lived Mahabad Republic (1946–47).^[37] The word is understandable to Persian speakers.^[38] Because, the name was also used to refer to an elite unit within the Sassanid Empire's military, specifically a sub-unit of the Pushtigban, called the Gyan-avspar.^[39] These warriors were renowned for their unwavering loyalty and bravery, often serving as the last line of defense for the Sassanid kings.^{[40][41][42][43]}

The Kurdish warrior tradition of rebellion has existed for thousands of years along with aspirations for independence. Early Kurdish warriors fought with and against the various Persian empires, the Ottoman Empire and the British Empire.^[30][44]

Kurdish warriors had traditionally operated as guerrilla forces. During the brief existence of the self-declared Republic of Mahabad (1946–1947), a contingent led by Mustafa Barzani served as its official military force.^[45][46] According to Kurdish lore, the leaders of Mahabad gathered to choose a name for their army. As the story goes, they struggled to find a suitable word for 'soldier.' A server, overhearing their discussion, suggested peshmerga, a slang term from his nearby village. The name was adopted, and the force was formally named the Peshmerga.^[47]

In order to protect the republic’s sovereignty, the Peshmerga engaged in their first battle at Qahrawa, near the town of Saqqez. They ambushed a Persian garrison, killing 21 soldiers, wounding 17, and capturing 40. By mid-May 1946 Kurdish forces numbered approximately 12,750 Peshmerga, but most Kurdish offensives were limited to minor skirmishes.^[48]

After the fall of the republic and the execution of the head of state, Qazi Muhammad, Peshmerga forces reemerged as guerrilla organizations that would go on to fight the Iranian and Iraqi governments for the remainder of the century.^[49]

In Iraq, most of these Peshmerga fighters continued to be led by Mustafa Barzani and his newly established Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP).^[46] The first major war fought by the Peshmerga in Iraqi Kurdistan was the First Iraqi–Kurdish War, lasting from 1961 until 1970, in which Barzani and his forces fought for independence. The war resulted in the signing of the Iraqi–Kurdish Autonomy Agreement. Kurdish autonomy had failed to be implemented by 1974, which led to the Second Iraqi–Kurdish War in 1975. Jalal Talabani, a leading member of the KDP, left the same year to revitalize the resistance and founded the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK). This event created the baseline for the political discontent between the KDP and PUK that divides Peshmerga forces and much of Kurdish society to this day.^[50][51]

After Mustafa Barzani's death in 1979, his son Masoud Barzani took over his position.^[46] As tension increased between the KDP and PUK, most Peshmerga forces fought to keep Iraqi Kurdistan under their own party's control, whilst also fighting off the Iraqi Army's incursions. Following the First Gulf War and the 1991 uprisings (Raperîn), and subsequent official autonomy for the Kurdistan Region, the Kurdish Civil War broke out, a conflict between the rivaling KDP and PUK parties, in which Peshmerga forces were used to fight against each other.^[52] The civil war officially ended in September 1998 when Barzani and Talabani signed the Washington Agreement establishing a formal peace treaty.^[53] In the agreement, the parties agreed to share oil revenue and power, deny the use of Iraqi Kurdistan to the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK), and to not allow Iraqi troops into the Kurdish regions. By then, around 5,000 Peshmerga and civilians had been killed on both sides, and many more had been evicted for being on the "wrong side".^[54]

In the years after, tensions remained high, but both parties came closer to each other, and in 2003 both of them, jointly took part in the overthrowing of the Baathist regime as part of the Iraq War.^[55] The CIA and other US special forces, who arrived in Iraq in early 2002, conducted unconventinal warfare operations with the Peshmerga against Ansal al-Islam terrorists and organized the Peshmerga to form a 'northern Front' against Saddam's troops.^[56] The Peshmerga played a key role in helping the United States on the mission to capture deposed Iraqi president Saddam Hussein.^[57][58]

After the overthrowing, the Peshmerga were politically recognized and obtained a special legal position. This improvement came from the Coalition Provisional Authority (CPA) with issuing orders that recognized the Peshmerga and exempted them from disbandment. In August 2003, parts of the Peshmerga were assigned to border security and oil pipeline protection, while others trained with coalition troops. Peshmerga units collaborated closely with U.S. forces on patrols, interrogations, and security missions. At one point, the Peshmerga made up 30% of the new Iraqi Army.^[59]

The Peshmerga were also involved in the broader Global War on Terror. In 2004, they captured Saudi-born Pakistani terrorist Hassan Ghul, who was operating for al-Qaeda in Iraq. Ghul was turned over to American intelligence officers shortly afterwards, which eventually led to the killing of Osama bin Laden in a covert American military operation in Pakistan in 2011.^[60][61][62]

Article 117 of the new 2005 Iraqi Constitution allowed federal regions (such as the newly formed Kurdistan Region) to establish their own internal security services, the “police, security forces and guards of the region,” and the Peshmerga are legally recognized as one of these permissible regional groups.^[63]

In 2006, a major conference in Erbil, involving the KRG, Iraqi Government, and Multinational Forces in Iraq, further clarified the Peshmerga’s role: defending the Kurdistan Region, supporting federal security efforts, fighting terrorism, and preserving constitutional institutions. This situation remained stable and helped the Peshmerga to reorganise and train its troops in military academies in the Zakho-Duhok area and Qalachulan-Sulaymaniyah area.^[59][64]

In 2014, the Peshmerga and Iraqi Armed Forces withdrew from the Nineveh Plains, which was said by the locals as being a contributing factor of the quick Islamic State victory in the invasion, and the widespread massacre of Yazidis, who were rendered defenseless.^[65] After the retreat and with the capital Erbil, only being 30-minutes away from ISIS' threat, the Peshmerga fought back and recaptured wast territories of the Kirkuk, Nineveh and Diyala Governorates. Special Forces of the Peshmerga were also involved in joint special operations with the U.S. during the war, like in the Hawija prison raid. According to Myles B. Caggins III, the Senior Spokesperson for the Global Coalition to Defeat ISIS at the time, the Peshmerga made the "ultimate sacrifice" in the War Against the Islamic State with over 1,300 Peshmerga fighters being killed, and upwards of 8,000 being wounded.^[66] As stated by a report of the German Federal Office for Migration and Refugees, the Peshmerga are seen by locals as heroes due to their involvement in the fight against ISIS.^[67]

Following the defeat of ISIS in 2017, Peshmerga reforms focused on unification and modernization. In September 2022, the U.S. and KRG renewed a MoU to create a unified, nonpartisan force under MoPA command by 2026, including disbanding partisan Units 70 and 80, establishing two Area Commands and 11 light infantry divisions, and achieving a planned strength of 138,000.^[2] By mid-2025, four divisions were operational, biometric enrollment exceeded 85%, and unification entered its final phase, with completion expected by year-end.^[68][69] Advancements included the 2025 'Peshmerga Medical Force Readiness Initiative' and proposals for air defense systems.^[70][71] Continued Coalition support via CTEF provided stipends, vehicles, and equipment.^[2] However, progress has been slowed by KDP-PUK division, ISIS' threat, and disputes with the central government in Baghdad.^[72]

The Peshmerga are mostly divided among forces loyal to the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) and those loyal to the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK),^[73] while other, minor Kurdish parties such as the Kurdistan Socialist Democratic Party also have their own small Peshmerga units.^[74] The Islamic Movement of Kurdistan also had its own Peshmerga unit, which became an official Peshmerga branch during the Iran-Iraq war, and was disarmed in 2003.^[75] In daily life and the media, Peshmerga are referred to as Peshmerga i parti (KDP) or Peshmerga i yaketi (PUK) – i.e., KDP peshmerga or PUK Peshmerga.^[76] The KDP and PUK do not disclose information about the composition of their forces with government or media.^[73] Thus there is no reliable number of how many Peshmerga fighters exist.^[73] Media outlets have speculated that there are between 150,000 and 200,000 Peshmerga, but this number is highly disputed.^[77][78] The Peshmerga are divided into a KDP-governed "yellow" zone covering Dohuk Governorate and Erbil Governorate and a PUK-governed "green" zone covering Sulaymaniyah Governorate and Halabja Governorate.^[79][73][31] Each zone has its own branch of Peshmerga with their own governing institutions that do not coordinate with the other branch.^[31][80]

As a result of the split nature of the Peshmerga forces, there is no central command center in charge of the entire force, and Peshmerga units instead follow separate military hierarchies depending on political allegiance.^[81] Multiple unification and depoliticizing efforts of the Peshmerga have been made since 1992. Many deadlines have been missed,^[31] reforms have been watered down,^[73] and most of the Peshmerga are still under the influence and command of the KDP and the PUK.

After gaining autonomy in 1991 the Kurdistan Region created its own proto-defence ministry: The Ministry of Peshmerga Affairs (MoPA). The Ministry was established to professionalize, unify, and centralize command of the party-affiliated Peshmerga forces, but in its early years it lacked real authority, something that became evident during the Kurdish civil war. Following the end of the civil war the KDP and PUK agreed to the re-establishment of the unified Ministry of Peshmerga Affairs, which was favoured by the overall KRG Unification Agreement, and formally took place in 2006. In January 2010, the MoPA created the first, to itself subordinate, integrated Peshmerga brigade, called a Regional Guard Brigade (RGB). Three more RGBs were formed in March of the same year. Mario Fumerton and Wladimir van Wilgenburg commented, "The KDP’s temporary alliance with Saddam Hussein to expel the PUK from Erbil in 1996 is still remembered as a grave betrayal; conversely, many KDP members recall being driven out of other territories by the PUK. In part for these reasons, each side keeps a portion of its own forces under direct party control as a final guarantee to maintain the balance of power."^[82][83][84]

In 2016 and 2017, following the events of the Iraqi Civil War, the United States and several European nations pressured the PUK and KDP to set up more mixed brigades as a condition for aid and funding. The PUK and KDP united 12 to 14 brigades under the RGB, which were then placed under the command of the Ministry of Peshmerga Affairs.^[73] The Netherlands, the US, the UK, and Germany form the Multi-National Advisory Group (MNAG) that supports the project to establish a "modern, effective, affordable, and accountable Peshmerga."^[85] In addition, to support reform efforts, the United Kingdom appointed a Special Defence Adviser to the MoPA.^[86]

In 2022, the KDP’s 1st Support Force and the PUK’s 2nd Support Force were integrated into the MoPA, a move described by Col. Todd Burroughs, Deputy Director of the US-led coalition’s Military Advisor Group North, as a 'significant step in the Peshmerga reform process.'^[87][88]

A major step towards unification was reached in 2022, when a four-year memorandum of understanding (MoU) between the US Department of Defense and Ministry of Peshmerga Affairs was signed, outlining conditions and timelines for integration into MoPA, effective until September 2026.^[66][2]

By 2025, unification was in its final phase, with 10 additional brigades formed, two command regions planned, and salary payments digitialized via the 'MyAccount' system.^[89][2] An Inspector General Report for Operation Inherent Resolve report noted progress in establishing four divisions, but highlighted delays in the development of Area Commands and persistent partisanship.^[2] As of Q2 2025, 28 Regional Guard Brigades were unified, 4 divisions operational, biometric enrollment exceeded 85%, and a four-year budget was submitted for a 138,000-strong force. Salary digitization via 'MyAccount' was nearing completion.^[2][90]

In spite of all reforms, officers partially still continue to report to and take orders from their party leaders who also control the deployment of forces loyal to them and appoint front-line and sector commanders.^[31] Critical reforms stalled include the full incorporation of Units 80 and 70, and additional division HQs, amid U.S. frustration over partisanship.^[2][91] Peshmerga officials repeatedly affirm that full unficiation will be completed by 2026, if not sooner and U.S. officials stress that they will continue supporting unifying efforts.^[92][93]

Both the KDP and the PUK Peshmerga rely heavily on irregulars in times of conflict to increase their ranks.^[94] However, both maintain several professional military brigades. The Peshmerga forces are described as a secular force with a Muslim majority and smaller Assyrian, Chaldean Catholic, Yazidi, Shabak and Kaka'i units.^{[63][95][96][97][98]} Though some units are composed of minorities, they are not segregated and serve in regular infantry divisions too.^[99] In 2016 the MoPA intended to create a military division for the Arabs and Turkmen of Kirkuk Province, but financial difficulties halted the project.^[100] Most minority units have been formed, when the Peshmerga took over the disputed territories in the War against the Islamic State.^[101]

The following units are affiliated with or have been identified within the Peshmerga force:

Force	Estimated size	Command	Description
MoPA-affiliated units
Regional Guard Brigades (RGB)[31][73][102]	73,000 (as of 2025, with 28 unified brigades)[2][103][104]	Şoreş Îsmaîl	MoPA's main force. Supposedly apolitical.[105]
1st Support Forces Command[106]	10,000 combined with the 2nd Support Forces.[88]	Lt. Gen. Sihad Barzani	Transferred to MoPA from KDP in 2022. Focuses on support roles, including artillery and officer training.
2nd Support Forces Command[106]	10,000 combined with the 1st Support Forces.[88]	Maj. Gen. Mariwan Muhammed Amin	Transferred to the MoPA from PUK in 2022. Focuses on support roles.
KDP-affiliated units
80 Unit[31][73][102]	50,000–60,000	Najat Ali Salih	KDP. In process of integration into MoPA by 2026.[2][107]
Zeravani[31]	51,000–120,000 active personnel and 250,000 reservists[30][108]	Masoud Barzani	KDP's militarized police force.
Gulan Special Forces[109][110]	6,000 (2016)[111]	Mansour Barzani	Special forces commanded by Mansour Barzani.
Peshmerga Roj[102]	3,000–6,000 fighters	Ibrahim Biro and Brig. Gen. Mohammed Rejeb Dehdo	Military wing of the ENKS. Consists of Kurds from Syria. Located in the KRG, Pro-KDP and takes orders from Masoud Barzani.
Counter Terrorism Department (Kurdistan Region)[112]	N/A	N/A	Counterterrorism unit part of the Kurdistan Region Security Council.
Barzan Forces[113][114][115]	N/A	N/A	Brigade formation, consisting of men recruited from the Barzani clan. Its also known as Barzan Army.
Presidential Guard (Kurdistan Region)[31]	N/A	Nechirvan Barzani	Military unit tasked with protecting the President of Kurdistan Region.
PUK-affiliated units
70 Unit[31][73][102]	50,000–60,000	Sheikh Jaafar Sheikh Mustafa	PUK. In process of integration into MoPA by 2026.[2][107]
Defense and Emergency Forces (DEF)[116][117]	32,000[117]	N/A	PUK's equivalent of KDP’s Zeravani. They are also known as Black Forces.
CTG Special Forces[31]	5,000[118]	Wehab Helebcî	One of the most elite Special Forces unit in Iraq.
Hezekani Kosrat Rasul[31]	2,000–3,000	Kosrat Rasul Ali	Kosrat Rasul Ali's personal protection brigade, one of the last remaining units to defend during the Kirkuk crisis.[119]
Kurdistan Commando Forces[120]	500–10,000	Diyar Omar	Well-equipped Special Operations Commando unit.[121]
Golden Force[122][123]	N/A	Barham Sheikh Mohammed	Sub-unit of the Kurdistan Commando Forces.
Presidential Peshmerga Brigade[31]	N/A	Hero Ibrahim Ahmed (Jalal Talabani formerly)	A unit which was stationed in Baghdad during the presidency of Jalal Talabani.[64]
Minority units
Êzîdxan Protection Force or "Yazidi Peshmerga"[124]	7,000[125]–8,000[126]–10,000[102]	Haydar Shesho and Qasim Shesho	Pro-KDP. Yazidi Democratic Party. Incorporated into MoPA.[127]
Jazeera Brigade[101][102]	2,000	Brig. Gen. Bolond Hussayn	Brigade of Ethnic-Arabs from Zummar and Rabia. Affiliated with the MoPA. Formed by the KDP.
Battalion of the Assyrian Democratic Movement[128][129]	~ 360 (1993), ~ 2,000 (2014)	William Ishaya (formerly)	Neutral between the KDP and PUK. Affiliated with the MoPA. Military wing of the Assyrian Democratic Movement.
Nineveh Plain Guard Forces (NPGF) or "Christian Peshmerga"[102][130][131]	1,500–2,500	Sarkis Aghajan Mamendo (unconfirmed)	Pro-KDP. Affiliated with the MoPA. Chaldean Syriac Assyrian Popular Council.
Shabak Battalion[98]	~ 1,000	Col. Mahmood Shabak	Battalion made up of the Shabak minority.
Kaka'i Battalion[132][133]	~ 680 (August 2015)	Nezar and Adel Kakai	Battalion made up of the Kaka'i religious minority. Affiliated with the MoPA.
Nineveh Plains Force (NPF)[102][131]	~ 500 (July 2015)	Romeo Hakari	Pro-KDP. Affiliated with the MoPA. Bet-Nahrain Democratic Party.
Dwekh Nawsha[102][129]	~ 100–250	Lt. Col. Odisho	Pro-KDP. Military wing of the Assyrian Patriotic Party. Not as clearly acting as official sub-units of Kurdish forces as the NPGF or NPF.
Asayish (security force)
KDP Asayish	Unknown	Barzan Qassab	KDP. Affiliated with the Ministry of Interior.
PUK Asayish	Unknown	N/A	PUK. Affiliated with the Ministry of Interior.
Others
KDPS Peshmerga[134]	3,000	N/A	Peshmerga force of the Kurdistan Social Democratic Party.

The Peshmerga Media Cell is one of the specialized units of the MoPA. Established in January 2022, it was created to professionalize the force’s information and media operations. The unit acts as the official channel for statements on Peshmerga activities, with responsibilities that include safeguarding operational security, protecting journalists reporting from conflict zones, and ensuring the dissemination of accurate information to local and international audiences.^[135] It has also received support from international coalition advisers in developing media and information management practices.^[136]

Units reporting to the Ministry of Peshmerga Affairs:

• Regional Guard Brigades^[137]
  • 1st Division
    • 14th Infantry Brigade^[138]
    • 21st Infantry Brigade (Dohuk)^[139]
  • 2nd Division
    • 4th Infantry Brigade^[140]
      • 1st Infantry Battalion (Kani Masi)^[140][141]
    • 6th Infantry Brigade (Kirkuk)^[142]
    • 22nd Infantry Brigade (Kirkuk)^[142]
  • 3rd Infantry Division^[143]
  • 4th Infantry Division (not fully integrated yet)^[2]
  • 5th Infantry Division (not fully integrated yet)^[2][144]
  • 6th Infantry Division (not fully integrated yet)^[2][144]
  • 9th Infantry Division (Zawita)^[145]
• 1st Support Forces Command
• 2nd Support Forces Command
  • 1st Mortar Battalion (Unit 955)^[146]
  • 2nd Mortar Battalion (Unit 515)^[147]
  • Field Artillery Battalion (Unit 121)
    • Womens Artillery Battery^[148]
  • 107mm MLRS Artillery Battalion (Unit 101)^[149]
  • 1st 122mm MLRS Artillery Battalion (Unit 106)^[150]
  • 2nd 122mm MLRS Artillery Battalion (Unit 757)^[151]
  • 105mm Artillery Battalion (Unit 118)^[152]
  • Defence and Tasks Regiment (Unit 103)^[153]
  • Armored Battalion (Unit 104)^[154]
  • Transportation and Logistics Battalion (Unit 105)^[155]
  • Combat Engineering Battalion (Unit 545)^[156]
  • Mechanised Infantry Battalion (Unit 616)^[157]
  • Tank Battalion (Unit 617)^[158][159]
  • 1st AA Artillery Battalion (Unit 888)^[146]
  • Special Forces Unit^[160]
    • Tactical Company^[161]

It is planned that by the end of 2026, the Regional Guard Brigades will make up 11 Peshmerga divisions in total.^[137][162]

Due to limited funding and the vast size of the Peshmerga forces, the KRG planned to downsize its forces from large numbers of low-quality forces to a smaller but much more effective and well-trained force.^[163] Consequently, in 2009, the KRG and Baghdad engaged in discussions about incorporating parts of the Peshmerga forces into the Iraqi Army in what would be the 15th and 16th Iraqi Army divisions.^[164][165] However, after increasing tension between Erbil and Baghdad regarding the disputed areas, the transfer was largely put on hold. Some Peshmerga were already transferred but reportedly deserted again, and there are allegations that former Peshmerga forces remained loyal to the KRG rather than their Iraqi chain of command; regardless, thousands of members of the 80 Unit of KDP and the 70 Unit of PUK are based in Baghdad and cooperate well with other Iraqi forces.^{[166][167][168]}

The Presidential Peshmerga Brigade of the PUK was stationed in Baghdad and paid by the Iraqi government during the presidency of Jalal Talabani.^[64]

The Peshmerga, despite wearing a variety of uniform types, consistently maintain proper standards of dress. This includes the correct display of rank insignia for both enlisted personnel and commissioned officers, as well as the proper wear of headgear. In addition, they have designated ceremonial and duty uniforms that project a highly professional appearance.^[169]

Officers can be promoted by the President of the Kurdistan Region for outstanding military and civil achievements.^[170]

Peshmerga forces largely rely on old arms captured from battles. The Peshmerga captured large stockpiles of weapons during the 1991 Iraqi uprisings.^[171] Several stockpiles of weapons were captured from the old Iraqi Army during the 2003 U.S. invasion of Iraq, in which Peshmerga forces were active. Following the retreat of the new Iraqi Army during the June 2014 Islamic State offensive, Peshmerga forces reportedly again managed to get hold of weapons left behind by the Iraqis.^[172] Since August 2014, Peshmerga forces have also captured weapons from the Islamic State.^[173]

The Peshmerga arsenal is limited and confined by restrictions because the Kurdish Region has to purchase arms through the Iraqi government. Due to disputes between the KRG and the Iraqi government, arms flows from Baghdad to Kurdistan Region have been almost nonexistent, as Baghdad fears Kurdish aspirations for independence.^{[174][175][73]} After the Islamic State offensive of August 2014, multiple governments armed the Peshmerga with light arms, night-vision devices, and ammunition.^[176][177] However, Kurdish officials and Peshmerga stressed that they were not receiving enough and Baghdad was blocking arms from reaching the KRG, emphasizing the need for weapons to be sent directly and not through Baghdad.^[178][179] Despite this, the United States has maintained that the government of Iraq is responsible for the security of Iraqi Kurdistan and that Baghdad must approve all military aid.^[73] As of 2025, continued CTEF support provided vehicles, heavy equipment, small arms, ammunition, and non-lethal aid, with proposals for air defenses in the 2024 NDAA.^[2][180]

The Peshmerga lack a proper medical corps and communication units.^[73] This became apparent during the Islamic State offensive in 2014 where the Peshmerga found itself lacking ambulances and frontline field hospitals, forcing wounded fighters to walk back to safety.^[73] There is also a lack of communication tools, as Peshmerga commanders are forced to use civilian cellphones to communicate with each other.^[73] Under the guidance of the US-led coalition the Peshmerga started to standardize it's weapons systems, replacing Soviet-era weapons with NATO firearms.^[73] In 2015, for the first time, Peshmerga soldiers received urban warfare and military intelligence training from foreign trainers of the CJTF–OIR.^[181] Some Peshmerga of the MoPA have also been trained by American private military contractors like DynCorp.^[182] By 2025, advancements included the Peshmerga Medical Force Readiness Initiative to address field hospital shortages.^[183]

Peshmerga has been accused of corruption, partisanship, nepotism and fraud.^{[184][185][186][187]} The Peshmerga was accused of listing "ghost employees" who do not exist or do not show up for work, but receive salaries. Those setting up the scam split the salary with these employees.^[73]

In addition the KDP and PUK have used the Peshmerga to exert a monopoly on the use of force within their zones.^[73] In 2011 KDP Peshmerga fired on anti-government protesters in Sulaymaniyah, and the PUK later used its own security forces to break up these protests,^[31] leading to criticism from all of the opposition parties in the Kurdistan Region Parliament. In 2014 the KDP used its Peshmerga forces to stop delegates from the Gorran Movement to enter Erbil and attend parliament.^[73]

Outside of Kurdistan Region the Peshmerga has been criticized for using force to exert control of local Arab, Yazidi and Assyrian communities, particularly during the Iraqi Civil War.^[188]

concerns about persistent partisanship remain.^[2] In 2025, U.S. reports expressed frustration over stalled unification due to party lines, despite commitments.^[189]

Women have played a significant role in the Peshmerga since its foundation, compared to other Middle Eastern militaries. The Kurdish Zand tribe was known for allowing women in military roles.^[30] During the Iraqi–Kurdish conflict the majority of women served within the Peshmerga in supporting roles such as building camps, taking care of the wounded, and carrying munitions and messages.^[94] Several women brigades served on the front lines. The PUK started recruiting women during the Kurdish Civil War. Women were given a 45-day basic training, which included parade drills and basic marksmanship training with various rifles, mortars, and RPGs.^[30]

In the months leading up to the 2003 U.S. invasion of Iraq, the United States launched Operation Viking Hammer which dealt a huge blow to Islamic terrorist groups in Iraqi Kurdistan and uncovered a chemical weapons facility.^{[190][191][192][193][194]} The PUK later confirmed that female Kurdish fighters had participated in the operation.^[94]

In 2014 the Peshmerga had at least 600 women in their ranks.^[195] The number of women increased significantly during the war against ISIS due to a shortage of manpower and the desire for revenge.^[195] The Peshmerga have one entirely female brigade.^[196] In the KDP, these Peshmerga women have been refused access to the frontline and are mostly used in logistics and management positions,^[197] while PUK Peshmerga women are deployed on the front lines and are actively engaging in combat.^{[198][199][30]} Women are paid the same as men.^[195]

Margaret George Malik^[200] was an iconic^[201] Assyrian guerilla fighter who was given a leading position in important battles such as the Battle of Zawita Valley.^[202] She was nicknamed "Joan of Arc of Kurdistan" for the courage she displayed in combat. In 1995 Colonel Nahida Rashid created the first women’s Peshmerga unit. Other well known female Peshmergas are Hero Ibrahim Ahmad, Amineh Kakabaveh, Pakhshan Zangana, and Kafiya Suleiman.^[203]

• 
  20th century Peshmerga fighters
• 
  Peshmerga of the KDP in 2003
• 
  Peshmerga Special Forces gathered near the Syrian border in 2014
• 
  Peshmerga soldiers in ceremonial gear
• 
  Peshmerga Parade
• 
  Peshmerga meet Anti-IS Coalition advisors

• List of armed groups in the War in Iraq (2013–2017)
• Kurdish rebellion of 1983 and Al-Anfal campaign
• Sinjar massacre and Genocide of Yazidis by ISIL
• YPG – Mainly-Kurdish militia in SyriaPages displaying short descriptions of redirect targets
• YPJ – Ethnic Kurdish military unitPages displaying short descriptions of redirect targets
• PKK – Kurdish militant political organizationPages displaying short descriptions of redirect targets
• PDKI – Kurdish political party in IranPages displaying short descriptions of redirect targets
• Peshmerga Roj – Kurdish militia from Syria
• Zaytun Division – 2004–2008 South Korean army unit in Iraq
• Barzani (tribe) – Kurdish tribe in Iraq
• Moshe Barazani – Kurdish Zionist militant, in the Lehi.

• Simon Ross Valentine, Peshmerga: Those Who Face Death: The Kurdish Army, its History, Development, and the Fight against ISIS, Kindle Direct Publishing, 2018, 300pp. ^{[ISBN missing]}
• Chapman, Dennis P., Lieutenant Colonel USA, Security Forces of the Kurdistan Regional Government, Mohammed Najat, Costa Mesa, California: Mazda Publishers, 2011. ISSN 0026-3141 Reviewed by Michael M. Gunter in Middle East Affairs, Vol. 65, No. 3, Summer 2011.

Media related to Kurdish Peshmerga at Wikimedia Commons

• Official MPA site at Kurdish Regional Government site Archived July 10, 2020, at the Wayback Machine